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mercoledì 7 novembre 2012
sabato 7 agosto 2010
Elena Kagan terza donna alla Corte Suprema
Elena Kagan è stata confermata dal Senato con 63 voti favorevoli e 37 contrari e diviene così il centododicesimo giudice della Corte Suprema degli Stati Uniti e la terza donna ad assumere la carica. La Kagan sostituisce il giudice John Paul Stevens, nominato dal presidente Gerald Ford nel 1975 e andato in pensione il 29 giugno 2010 dopo trentacinque anni di servizio. La notizia le è arrivata dalla televisione, mentre seguiva il voto con i suoi colleghi del dipartimento di Giustizia, nella sala conferenze del procuratore generale degli Stati Uniti. L'ex preside della facoltà di legge di Harvard, a cui molti repubblicani imputavano la colpa di non avere esperienza come giudice e che veniva accusata di non poter essere imparziale nelle decisioni dato il suo spirito liberal, raggiunge così Ruth Ginsburg, in carica dal 1993, e Sonya Sotomayor, nominata dallo stesso presidente Barack Obama un anno fa. Oltre ad essere stata la prima donna alla guida della facoltà di legge di Harvard e procuratore generale degli Stati Uniti dal 2009 al 2010, a cinquanta anni diventa ora il giudice più giovane della Corte. Un curriculum eccellente, caratterizzato da una carriera accademica di successo: studi a Princeton, Oxford e poi alla Law School di Harvard, cominciando a insegnare alla Law School della University of Chicago. Nel 1999 divenne consigliere legale dell'allora presidente Bill Clinton. Per i democratici la nomina di Kagan dovrà controbilanciare la maggioranza conservatrice che ha dominato le decisioni della Corte negli ultimi anni. Il presidente Obama, ha espresso la propria soddisfazione per la nuova vittoria politica, spiegando che la conferma di Kagan rappresenta l'affermazione del suo carattere e del suo temperamento da giudice e specificando che l'entrata alla Corte Suprema di un'altra donna è un segno di progresso per il paese.
lunedì 8 giugno 2009
Discorso di Obama al Cairo 4 giugno 2009
I am honored to be in the timeless city of Cairo, and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions. For over a thousand years, Al-Azhar has stood as a beacon of Islamic learning, and for over a century, Cairo University has been a source of Egypt's advancement. Together, you represent the harmony between tradition and progress. I am grateful for your hospitality, and the hospitality of the people of Egypt. I am also proud to carry with me the goodwill of the American people, and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities in my country: assalaamu alaykum.
We meet at a time of tension between the United States and Muslims around the world – tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of co-existence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.
Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11th, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights. This has bred more fear and mistrust.
So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, and who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. This cycle of suspicion and discord must end.
I have come here to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world; one based upon mutual interest and mutual respect; and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive, and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share common principles – principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.
I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. No single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly the things we hold in our hearts, and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth." That is what I will try to do – to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.
Part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I am a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.
As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam – at places like Al-Azhar University – that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.
I know, too, that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President John Adams wrote, "The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, served in government, stood for civil rights, started businesses, taught at our Universities, excelled in our sports arenas, won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim-American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers – Thomas Jefferson – kept in his personal library.
So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.
But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words – within our borders, and around the world. We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum: "Out of many, one."
Much has been made of the fact that an African-American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President. But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores – that includes nearly seven million American Muslims in our country today who enjoy incomes and education that are higher than average.
Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state of our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That is why the U.S. government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab, and to punish those who would deny it.
So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations – to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share. This is the hope of all humanity.
Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.
For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. And when innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience. That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings.
This is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes subjugating one another to serve their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners of it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; progress must be shared.
That does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite: we must face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.
The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.
In Ankara, I made clear that America is not – and never will be – at war with Islam. We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security. Because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to protect the American people.
The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice, we went because of necessity. I am aware that some question or justify the events of 9/11. But let us be clear: al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet Al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with.
Make no mistake: we do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case.
That's why we're partnering with a coalition of forty-six countries. And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths – more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam. The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent, it is as if he has killed all mankind; and whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism – it is an important part of promoting peace.
We also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That is why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who have been displaced. And that is why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend upon.
Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be."
Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future – and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. That is why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically-elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all our troops from Iraq by 2012. We will help Iraq train its Security Forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.
And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter our principles. 9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.
So America will defend itself respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.
The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.
America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.
Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed – more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, ignorant, and hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction – or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews – is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.
On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people – Muslims and Christians – have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than sixty years they have endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations – large and small – that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt: the situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.
For decades, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It is easy to point fingers – for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: the only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.
That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest. That is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience that the task requires. The obligations that the parties have agreed to under the Road Map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them – and all of us – to live up to our responsibilities.
Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign of neither courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That is not how moral authority is claimed; that is how it is surrendered.
Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, and to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, and recognize Israel's right to exist.
At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop.
Israel must also live up to its obligations to ensure that Palestinians can live, and work, and develop their society. And just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.
Finally, the Arab States must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state; to recognize Israel's legitimacy; and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.
America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.
Too many tears have flowed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed (peace be upon them) joined in prayer.
The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.
This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is indeed a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically-elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past, I have made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question, now, is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.
It will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It is about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.
I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nations hold nuclear weapons. That is why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. And any nation – including Iran – should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the Treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I am hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.
The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.
I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: no system of government can or should be imposed upon one nation by any other.
That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. Those are not just American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support them everywhere.
There is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear: governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments – provided they govern with respect for all their people.
This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they are out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. No matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who hold power: you must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.
The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.
Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind, heart, and soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it is being challenged in many different ways.
Among some Muslims, there is a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of another's. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld – whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. And fault lines must be closed among Muslims as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.
Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That is why I am committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.
Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit – for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We cannot disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.
Indeed, faith should bring us together. That is why we are forging service projects in America that bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That is why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's Interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into Interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action – whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.
The sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights.
I know there is debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality. And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well-educated are far more likely to be prosperous.
Now let me be clear: issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Indonesia, we have seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.
Our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons, and our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity – men and women – to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. That is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams.
Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.
I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and changing communities. In all nations – including my own – this change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we will lose of control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities – those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.
But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradiction between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education.
This is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work. Many Gulf States have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century, and in too many Muslim communities there remains underinvestment in these areas. I am emphasizing such investments within my country. And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas in this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.
On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America, while encouraging more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in on-line learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a teenager in Kansas can communicate instantly with a teenager in Cairo.
On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.
On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create jobs. We will open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new Science Envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, and grow new crops. And today I am announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.
All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.
The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world we seek – a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together.
I know there are many – Muslim and non-Muslim – who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort – that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There is so much fear, so much mistrust. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country – you, more than anyone, have the ability to remake this world.
All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort – a sustained effort – to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.
It is easier to start wars than to end them. It is easier to blame others than to look inward; to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There is also one rule that lies at the heart of every religion – that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. This truth transcends nations and peoples – a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't Christian, or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the heart of billions. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.
We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.
The Holy Koran tells us, "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another."
The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace."
The Holy Bible tells us, "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God."
The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now, that must be our work here on Earth.
Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you.
We meet at a time of tension between the United States and Muslims around the world – tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes centuries of co-existence and cooperation, but also conflict and religious wars. More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and opportunities to many Muslims, and a Cold War in which Muslim-majority countries were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations. Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalization led many Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.
Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11th, 2001 and the continued efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and Western countries, but also to human rights. This has bred more fear and mistrust.
So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace, and who promote conflict rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and prosperity. This cycle of suspicion and discord must end.
I have come here to seek a new beginning between the United States and Muslims around the world; one based upon mutual interest and mutual respect; and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive, and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap, and share common principles – principles of justice and progress; tolerance and the dignity of all human beings.
I do so recognizing that change cannot happen overnight. No single speech can eradicate years of mistrust, nor can I answer in the time that I have all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am convinced that in order to move forward, we must say openly the things we hold in our hearts, and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a sustained effort to listen to each other; to learn from each other; to respect one another; and to seek common ground. As the Holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious of God and speak always the truth." That is what I will try to do – to speak the truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us, and firm in my belief that the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces that drive us apart.
Part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I am a Christian, but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the azaan at the break of dawn and the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.
As a student of history, I also know civilization's debt to Islam. It was Islam – at places like Al-Azhar University – that carried the light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe's Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities that developed the order of algebra; our magnetic compass and tools of navigation; our mastery of pens and printing; our understanding of how disease spreads and how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring spires; timeless poetry and cherished music; elegant calligraphy and places of peaceful contemplation. And throughout history, Islam has demonstrated through words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.
I know, too, that Islam has always been a part of America's story. The first nation to recognize my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of Tripoli in 1796, our second President John Adams wrote, "The United States has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquility of Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United States. They have fought in our wars, served in government, stood for civil rights, started businesses, taught at our Universities, excelled in our sports arenas, won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building, and lit the Olympic Torch. And when the first Muslim-American was recently elected to Congress, he took the oath to defend our Constitution using the same Holy Koran that one of our Founding Fathers – Thomas Jefferson – kept in his personal library.
So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what it isn't. And I consider it part of my responsibility as President of the United States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.
But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of America. Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are created equal, and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning to those words – within our borders, and around the world. We are shaped by every culture, drawn from every end of the Earth, and dedicated to a simple concept: E pluribus unum: "Out of many, one."
Much has been made of the fact that an African-American with the name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected President. But my personal story is not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for everyone in America, but its promise exists for all who come to our shores – that includes nearly seven million American Muslims in our country today who enjoy incomes and education that are higher than average.
Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to practice one's religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state of our union, and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That is why the U.S. government has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab, and to punish those who would deny it.
So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race, religion, or station in life, all of us share common aspirations – to live in peace and security; to get an education and to work with dignity; to love our families, our communities, and our God. These things we share. This is the hope of all humanity.
Of course, recognizing our common humanity is only the beginning of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead; and if we understand that the challenges we face are shared, and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.
For we have learned from recent experience that when a financial system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an ocean. And when innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain on our collective conscience. That is what it means to share this world in the 21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings.
This is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history has often been a record of nations and tribes subjugating one another to serve their own interests. Yet in this new age, such attitudes are self-defeating. Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we must not be prisoners of it. Our problems must be dealt with through partnership; progress must be shared.
That does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed, it suggests the opposite: we must face these tensions squarely. And so in that spirit, let me speak as clearly and plainly as I can about some specific issues that I believe we must finally confront together.
The first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.
In Ankara, I made clear that America is not – and never will be – at war with Islam. We will, however, relentlessly confront violent extremists who pose a grave threat to our security. Because we reject the same thing that people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women, and children. And it is my first duty as President to protect the American people.
The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America's goals, and our need to work together. Over seven years ago, the United States pursued al Qaeda and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice, we went because of necessity. I am aware that some question or justify the events of 9/11. But let us be clear: al Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day. The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet Al Qaeda chose to ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack, and even now states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions to be debated; these are facts to be dealt with.
Make no mistake: we do not want to keep our troops in Afghanistan. We seek no military bases there. It is agonizing for America to lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is not yet the case.
That's why we're partnering with a coalition of forty-six countries. And despite the costs involved, America's commitment will not weaken. Indeed, none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries. They have killed people of different faiths – more than any other, they have killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human beings, the progress of nations, and with Islam. The Holy Koran teaches that whoever kills an innocent, it is as if he has killed all mankind; and whoever saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. The enduring faith of over a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not part of the problem in combating violent extremism – it is an important part of promoting peace.
We also know that military power alone is not going to solve the problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That is why we plan to invest $1.5 billion each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who have been displaced. And that is why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend upon.
Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus to resolve our problems whenever possible. Indeed, we can recall the words of Thomas Jefferson, who said: "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power, and teach us that the less we use our power the greater it will be."
Today, America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a better future – and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. I have made it clear to the Iraqi people that we pursue no bases, and no claim on their territory or resources. Iraq's sovereignty is its own. That is why I ordered the removal of our combat brigades by next August. That is why we will honor our agreement with Iraq's democratically-elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by July, and to remove all our troops from Iraq by 2012. We will help Iraq train its Security Forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united Iraq as a partner, and never as a patron.
And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by extremists, we must never alter our principles. 9/11 was an enormous trauma to our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable, but in some cases, it led us to act contrary to our ideals. We are taking concrete actions to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the United States, and I have ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed by early next year.
So America will defend itself respectful of the sovereignty of nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim communities which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.
The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.
America's strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties, and the recognition that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that cannot be denied.
Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for centuries, and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust. Tomorrow, I will visit Buchenwald, which was part of a network of camps where Jews were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six million Jews were killed – more than the entire Jewish population of Israel today. Denying that fact is baseless, ignorant, and hateful. Threatening Israel with destruction – or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews – is deeply wrong, and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.
On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian people – Muslims and Christians – have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For more than sixty years they have endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza, and neighboring lands for a life of peace and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily humiliations – large and small – that come with occupation. So let there be no doubt: the situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. America will not turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity, and a state of their own.
For decades, there has been a stalemate: two peoples with legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise elusive. It is easy to point fingers – for Palestinians to point to the displacement brought by Israel's founding, and for Israelis to point to the constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other, then we will be blind to the truth: the only resolution is for the aspirations of both sides to be met through two states, where Israelis and Palestinians each live in peace and security.
That is in Israel's interest, Palestine's interest, America's interest, and the world's interest. That is why I intend to personally pursue this outcome with all the patience that the task requires. The obligations that the parties have agreed to under the Road Map are clear. For peace to come, it is time for them – and all of us – to live up to our responsibilities.
Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence and killing is wrong and does not succeed. For centuries, black people in America suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and determined insistence upon the ideals at the center of America's founding. This same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia; from Eastern Europe to Indonesia. It's a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead end. It is a sign of neither courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping children, or to blow up old women on a bus. That is not how moral authority is claimed; that is how it is surrendered.
Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among some Palestinians, but they also have responsibilities. To play a role in fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, and to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas must put an end to violence, recognize past agreements, and recognize Israel's right to exist.
At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as Israel's right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine's. The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop.
Israel must also live up to its obligations to ensure that Palestinians can live, and work, and develop their society. And just as it devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does not serve Israel's security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be part of a road to peace, and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such progress.
Finally, the Arab States must recognize that the Arab Peace Initiative was an important beginning, but not the end of their responsibilities. The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state; to recognize Israel's legitimacy; and to choose progress over a self-defeating focus on the past.
America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. We cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognize that Israel will not go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognize the need for a Palestinian state. It is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.
Too many tears have flowed. Too much blood has been shed. All of us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear; when the Holy Land of three great faiths is the place of peace that God intended it to be; when Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims, and a place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed (peace be upon them) joined in prayer.
The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.
This issue has been a source of tension between the United States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years, Iran has defined itself in part by its opposition to my country, and there is indeed a tumultuous history between us. In the middle of the Cold War, the United States played a role in the overthrow of a democratically-elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic Revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence against U.S. troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain trapped in the past, I have made it clear to Iran's leaders and people that my country is prepared to move forward. The question, now, is not what Iran is against, but rather what future it wants to build.
It will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust, but we will proceed with courage, rectitude and resolve. There will be many issues to discuss between our two countries, and we are willing to move forward without preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is not simply about America's interests. It is about preventing a nuclear arms race in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely dangerous path.
I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nations hold nuclear weapons. That is why I strongly reaffirmed America's commitment to seek a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. And any nation – including Iran – should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That commitment is at the core of the Treaty, and it must be kept for all who fully abide by it. And I am hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this goal.
The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.
I know there has been controversy about the promotion of democracy in recent years, and much of this controversy is connected to the war in Iraq. So let me be clear: no system of government can or should be imposed upon one nation by any other.
That does not lessen my commitment, however, to governments that reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say in how you are governed; confidence in the rule of law and the equal administration of justice; government that is transparent and doesn't steal from the people; the freedom to live as you choose. Those are not just American ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support them everywhere.
There is no straight line to realize this promise. But this much is clear: governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable, successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away. America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard around the world, even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected, peaceful governments – provided they govern with respect for all their people.
This last point is important because there are some who advocate for democracy only when they are out of power; once in power, they are ruthless in suppressing the rights of others. No matter where it takes hold, government of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who hold power: you must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the rights of minorities, and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise; you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the political process above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone do not make true democracy.
The fifth issue that we must address together is religious freedom.
Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the history of Andalusia and Cordoba during the Inquisition. I saw it firsthand as a child in Indonesia, where devout Christians worshiped freely in an overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion of the mind, heart, and soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive, but it is being challenged in many different ways.
Among some Muslims, there is a disturbing tendency to measure one's own faith by the rejection of another's. The richness of religious diversity must be upheld – whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts in Egypt. And fault lines must be closed among Muslims as well, as the divisions between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.
Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance, in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims to fulfill their religious obligation. That is why I am committed to working with American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfill zakat.
Likewise, it is important for Western countries to avoid impeding Muslim citizens from practicing religion as they see fit – for instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We cannot disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.
Indeed, faith should bring us together. That is why we are forging service projects in America that bring together Christians, Muslims, and Jews. That is why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah's Interfaith dialogue and Turkey's leadership in the Alliance of Civilizations. Around the world, we can turn dialogue into Interfaith service, so bridges between peoples lead to action – whether it is combating malaria in Africa, or providing relief after a natural disaster.
The sixth issue that I want to address is women's rights.
I know there is debate about this issue. I reject the view of some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less equal, but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied equality. And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well-educated are far more likely to be prosperous.
Now let me be clear: issues of women's equality are by no means simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Indonesia, we have seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the struggle for women's equality continues in many aspects of American life, and in countries around the world.
Our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons, and our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity – men and women – to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the same choices as men in order to be equal, and I respect those women who choose to live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. That is why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support expanded literacy for girls, and to help young women pursue employment through micro-financing that helps people live their dreams.
Finally, I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.
I know that for many, the face of globalization is contradictory. The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information, but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence. Trade can bring new wealth and opportunities, but also huge disruptions and changing communities. In all nations – including my own – this change can bring fear. Fear that because of modernity we will lose of control over our economic choices, our politics, and most importantly our identities – those things we most cherish about our communities, our families, our traditions, and our faith.
But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need not be contradiction between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and South Korea grew their economies while maintaining distinct cultures. The same is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times and in our times, Muslim communities have been at the forefront of innovation and education.
This is important because no development strategy can be based only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young people are out of work. Many Gulf States have enjoyed great wealth as a consequence of oil, and some are beginning to focus it on broader development. But all of us must recognize that education and innovation will be the currency of the 21st century, and in too many Muslim communities there remains underinvestment in these areas. I am emphasizing such investments within my country. And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas in this part of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.
On education, we will expand exchange programs, and increase scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America, while encouraging more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising Muslim students with internships in America; invest in on-line learning for teachers and children around the world; and create a new online network, so a teenager in Kansas can communicate instantly with a teenager in Cairo.
On economic development, we will create a new corps of business volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will host a Summit on Entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United States and Muslim communities around the world.
On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support technological development in Muslim-majority countries, and to help transfer ideas to the marketplace so they can create jobs. We will open centers of scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and Southeast Asia, and appoint new Science Envoys to collaborate on programs that develop new sources of energy, create green jobs, digitize records, clean water, and grow new crops. And today I am announcing a new global effort with the Organization of the Islamic Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim communities to promote child and maternal health.
All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are ready to join with citizens and governments; community organizations, religious leaders, and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people pursue a better life.
The issues that I have described will not be easy to address. But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world we seek – a world where extremists no longer threaten our people, and American troops have come home; a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of their own, and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes; a world where governments serve their citizens, and the rights of all God's children are respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can only achieve it together.
I know there are many – Muslim and non-Muslim – who question whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of division, and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn't worth the effort – that we are fated to disagree, and civilizations are doomed to clash. Many more are simply skeptical that real change can occur. There is so much fear, so much mistrust. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every faith, in every country – you, more than anyone, have the ability to remake this world.
All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart, or whether we commit ourselves to an effort – a sustained effort – to find common ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children, and to respect the dignity of all human beings.
It is easier to start wars than to end them. It is easier to blame others than to look inward; to see what is different about someone than to find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy path. There is also one rule that lies at the heart of every religion – that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. This truth transcends nations and peoples – a belief that isn't new; that isn't black or white or brown; that isn't Christian, or Muslim or Jew. It's a belief that pulsed in the cradle of civilization, and that still beats in the heart of billions. It's a faith in other people, and it's what brought me here today.
We have the power to make the world we seek, but only if we have the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.
The Holy Koran tells us, "O mankind! We have created you male and a female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know one another."
The Talmud tells us: "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose of promoting peace."
The Holy Bible tells us, "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they shall be called sons of God."
The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that is God's vision. Now, that must be our work here on Earth.
Thank you. And may God's peace be upon you.
mercoledì 21 gennaio 2009
Barack Obama, discorso d'insediamento
Concittadini, oggi sono qui di fronte a voi con umiltà di fronte all'incarico, grato per la fiducia che avete accordato, memore dei sacrifici sostenuti dai nostri antenati. Ringrazio il presidente Bush per il suo servizio alla nostra nazione, come anche per la generosità e la cooperazione che ha dimostrato durante questa transizione.
Sono quarantaquattro gli americani che hanno giurato come presidenti. Le parole sono state pronunciate nel corso di maree montanti di prosperità e in acque tranquille di pace. Ancora, il giuramento è stato pronunciato sotto un cielo denso di nuvole e tempeste furiose. In questi momenti, l'America va avanti non semplicemente per il livello o per la visione di coloro che ricoprono l'alto ufficio, ma perché noi, il popolo, siamo rimasti fedeli agli ideali dei nostri antenati, e alla verità dei nostri documenti fondanti. Così è stato. Così deve essere con questa generazione di americani.
Che siamo nel mezzo della crisi ora è ben compreso. La nostra nazione è in guerra, contro una rete di vasta portata di violenza e odio. La nostra economia è duramente indebolita, in conseguenza dell'avidità e dell'irresponsabilità di alcuni, ma anche del nostro fallimento collettivo nel compiere scelte dure e preparare la nazione a una nuova era. Case sono andate perdute; posti di lavoro tagliati, attività chiuse. La nostra sanità è troppo costosa, le nostre scuole trascurano troppi; e ogni giorno aggiunge un'ulteriore prova del fatto che i modi in cui usiamo l'energia rafforzano i nostri avversari e minacciano il nostro pianeta.
Questi sono indicatori di crisi, soggetto di dati e di statistiche. Meno misurabile ma non meno profondo è l'inaridire della fiducia nella nostra terra: la fastidiosa paura che il declino dell'America sia inevitabile, e che la prossima generazione debba ridurre le proprie mire. Oggi vi dico che le sfide che affrontiamo sono reali. Sono serie e sono molte. Non saranno vinte facilmente o in un breve lasso di tempo. Ma sappi questo, America: saranno vinte. In questo giorno, ci riuniamo perché abbiamo scelto la speranza sulla paura, l'unità degli scopi sul conflitto e la discordia. In questo giorno, veniamo per proclamare la fine delle futili lagnanze e delle false promesse, delle recriminazioni e dei dogmi logori, che per troppo a lungo hanno strangolato la nostra politica.
Rimaniamo una nazione giovane, ma, nelle parole della Scrittura, il tempo è venuto di mettere da parte le cose infantili. Il tempo è venuto di riaffermare il nostro spirito durevole; di scegliere la nostra storia migliore; di riportare a nuovo quel prezioso regalo, quella nobile idea, passata di generazione in generazione: la promessa mandata del cielo che tutti sono uguali, tutti sono liberi, e tutti meritano una possibilità per conseguire pienamente la loro felicità.
Nel riaffermare la grandezza della nostra nazione, capiamo che la grandezza non va mai data per scontata. Bisogna guadagnarsela. Il nostro viaggio non è mai stato fatto di scorciatoie o di ribassi. Non è stato un sentiero per i deboli di cuore, per chi preferisce l’ozio al lavoro, o cerca solo i piaceri delle ricchezze e della celebrità. E’ stato invece il percorso di chi corre rischi, di chi agisce, di chi fabbrica: alcuni celebrato ma più spesso uomini e donne oscuri nelle loro fatiche, che ci hanno portato in cima a un percorso lungo e faticoso verso la prosperità e la libertà.
Per noi hanno messo in valigia le poche cose che possedevano e hanno traversato gli oceani alla ricerca di una nuova vita.
Per noi hanno faticato nelle fabbriche e hanno colonizzato il West; hanno tollerato il morso della frusta e arato il duroterreno.
Per noi hanno combattuto e sono morti in posti come Concord e Gettysburg, la Normandia e Khe Sahn.
Ancora e ancora questi uomini e queste donne hanno lottato e si sono sacrificati e hanno lavorato fino ad avere le mani in sangue, perché noi potessimo avere un futuro migliore. Vedevano l’America come più grande delle somme delle nostre ambizioni individuali, più grande di tutte le differenze di nascita o censo o partigianeria.
Questo è il viaggio che continuiamo oggi. Rimaniamo il paese più prosperoso e più potente della Terra. I nostri operai non sono meno produttivi di quando la crisi è cominciata. Le nostre menti non sono meno inventive, i nostri beni e servizi non meno necessari della settimana scorsa o del mese scorso o dell’anno scorso. Le nostre capacità rimangono intatte. Ma il nostro tempo di stare fermi, di proteggere interessi meschini e rimandare le decisioni sgradevoli, quel tempo di sicuro è passato. A partire da oggi, dobbiamo tirarci su, rimetterci in piedi e ricominciare il lavoro di rifare l’America.
Perché ovunque guardiamo, c’è lavoro da fare. Lo stato dell’economia richiede azioni coraggiose e rapide, e noi agiremo: non solo per creare nuovi lavori ma per gettare le fondamenta della crescita. Costruiremo le strade e i ponti, le reti elettriche, le linee digitali per nutrire il nostro commercio e legarci assieme. Ridaremo alla scienza il posto che le spetta di diritto e piegheremo le meraviglie della tecnologia per migliorare le cure sanitarie e abbassarne i costi. Metteremo le briglie al sole e ai venti e alla terra per rifornire le nostre vetture e alimentare le nostre fabbriche. E trasformeremo le nostre scuole e i college e le università per soddisfare le esigenze di una nuova era. Tutto questo possiamo farlo. E tutto questo faremo.
Ci sono alcuni che mettono in dubbio l’ampiezza delle nostre ambizioni, che suggeriscono che il nostro sistema non può tollerare troppi piani grandiosi. Hanno la memoria corta. Perché hanno dimenticato quanto questo paese ha già fatto: quanto uomini e donne libere possono ottenere quando l’immaginazione si unisce a uno scopo comune, la necessità al coraggio.
Quello che i cinici non riescono a capire è che il terreno si è mosso sotto i loro piedi, che i diverbi politici stantii che ci hanno consumato tanto a lungo non hanno più corso. La domanda che ci poniamo oggi non è se il nostro governo sia troppo grande o troppo piccolo, ma se funziona: se aiuta le famiglie a trovare lavori con stipendi decenti, cure che possono permettersi, unapensione dignitosa. Quando la risposta è sì, intendiamo andareavanti. Quando la risposta è no, i programmi saranno interrotti. E quelli di noi che gestiscono i dollari pubblici saranno chiamati a renderne conto: a spendere saggiamente, a riformare le cattive abitudini, e fare il loro lavoro alla luce del solo, perché solo allora potremo restaurare la fiducia vitale fra un popolo e il suo governo.
Né la domanda è se il mercato sia una forza per il bene o per il male. Il suo potere di generare ricchezza e aumentare la libertànon conosce paragoni, ma questa crisi ci ha ricordato che senza occhi vigili, il mercato può andare fuori controllo, e che unpaese non può prosperare a lungo se favorisce solo i ricchi. Il successo della nostra economia non dipende solo dalle dimensioni del nostro prodotto interno lordo, ma dall’ampiezza della nostra prosperità, dalla nostra capacità di ampliare le opportunità a ogni cuore volonteroso, non per beneficenza ma perché è la via più sicura verso il bene comune.
Per quel che riguarda la nostra difesa comune, respingiamo come falsa la scelta tra la nostra sicurezza e i nostri ideali. I Padri Fondatori, di fronte a pericoli che facciamo fatica a immaginare, prepararono un Carta che garantisse il rispetto della legge e i diritti dell’uomo, una Carta ampliata con il sangue versato da generazioni. Quegli ideali illuminano ancora il mondoe non vi rinunceremo in nome del bisogno. E a tutte le persone e i governi che oggi ci guardano, dalle capitali più grandi al piccolo villaggio in cui nacque mio padre, dico: sappiate che l’America è amica di ogni nazione e di ogni uomo, donna e bambino che cerca un futuro di pace e dignità, e che siamo pronti di nuovo a fare da guida.
Ricordate che le generazioni passate sconfissero il fascismo e il comunismo non solo con i carri armati e i missili, ma con alleanze solide e convinzioni tenaci. Capirono che la nostra forza da sola non basta a proteggerci, né ci dà il diritto di fare come ci pare. Al contrario, seppero che il potere cresce quando se ne fa un uso prudente; che la nostra sicurezza promana dal fatto che la nostra causa giusta, dalla forza del nostro esempio, dalle qualità dell’umiltà e della moderazione.
Noi siamo i custodi di questa eredità. Guidati ancora una volta da questi principi, possiamo affrontare quelle nuove minacce cherichiedono sforzi ancora maggiori - e ancora maggior cooperazione e comprensione fra le nazioni. Inizieremo a lasciare responsabilmente l’Iraq al suo popolo, e a forgiare una pace pagata a caro prezzo in Afghanistan. Insieme ai vecchi amici e agli ex nemici, lavoreremo senza sosta per diminuire la minaccia nucleare, e allontanare lo spettro di un pianeta surriscaldato. Non chiederemo scusa per la nostra maniera di vivere, né esiteremo a difenderla, e a coloro che cercano di ottenere i loro scopi attraverso il terrore e il massacro di persone innocenti, diciamo che il nostro spirito è più forte e non potrà essere spezzato. Non riuscirete a sopravviverci, e vi sconfiggeremo.
Perché sappiamo che il nostro multiforme retaggio è una forza, non una debolezza: siamo un Paese di cristiani, musulmani, ebrei e indù - e di non credenti; scolpiti da ogni lingua e cultura, provenienti da ogni angolo della terra. E dal momento che abbiamo provato l’amaro calice della guerra civile e della segregazione razziale, per emergerne più forti e più uniti, non possiamo che credere che odii di lunga data un giorno scompariranno; che i confini delle tribù un giorno si dissolveranno; che mentre il mondo si va facendo più piccolo, la nostra comune umanità dovrà venire alla luce; e che l’America dovrà svolgere un suo ruolo nell’accogliere una nuova era di pace.
Al mondo islamico diciamo di voler cercare una nuova via di progresso, basato sull’interesse comune e sul reciproco rispetto. A quei dirigenti nel mondo che cercano di seminare la discordia, o di scaricare sull’Occidente la colpa dei mali delle loro società, diciamo: sappiate che il vostro popolo vi giudicherà in base a ciò che siete in grado di costruire, non di distruggere. A coloro che si aggrappano al potere grazie alla corruzione, all’inganno, alla repressione del dissenso, diciamo: sappiate che siete dalla parte sbagliata della Storia; ma che siamo disposti a tendere la mano se sarete disposti a sciogliere il pugno.
Ai popoli dei Paesi poveri, diciamo di volerci impegnare insieme a voi per far rendere le vostre fattorie e far scorrere acque pulita; per nutrire i corpi e le menti affamate. E a quei Paesi che come noi hanno la fortuna di godere di una relativa abbondanza, diciamo che non possiamo più permetterci di essere indifferenti verso la sofferenza fuori dai nostri confini; né possiamo consumare le risorse del pianeta senza pensare alle conseguenze. Perché il mondo è cambiato, e noi dobbiamo cambiare insieme al mondo.
Volgendo lo sguardo alla strada che si snoda davanti a noi, ricordiamo con umile gratitudine quei coraggiosi americani che in questo stesso momento pattugliano deserti e montagne lontane. Oggi hanno qualcosa da dirci, così come il sussurro che ci arriva lungo gli anni dagli eroi caduti che riposano ad Arlington: rendiamo loro onore non solo perché sono custodi della nostra libertà, ma perché rappresentano lo spirito di servizio, la volontà di trovare un significato in qualcosa che li trascende. Eppure in questo momento - un momento che segnerà una generazione - è precisamente questo spirito che deve animarci tutti.
Perché, per quanto il governo debba e possa fare, in definitiva sono la fede e la determinazione del popolo americano su cui questo Paese si appoggia. E’ la bontà di chi accoglie uno straniero quando le dighe si spezzano, l’altruismo degli operai che preferiscono lavorare meno che vedere un amico perdere il lavoro, a guidarci nelle nostre ore più scure. E’ il coraggio del pompiere che affronta una scala piena di fumo, ma anche la prontezza di un genitore a curare un bambino, che in ultima analisi decidono il nostro destino.
Le nostre sfide possono essere nuove, gli strumenti con cui le affrontiamo possono essere nuovi, ma i valori da cui dipende il nostro successo - il lavoro duro e l’onestà, il coraggio e il fair play, la tolleranza e la curiosità, la lealtà e il patriottismo - queste cose sono antiche. Queste cose sono vere. Sono state la quieta forza del progresso in tutta la nostra storia. Quello che serve è un ritorno a queste verità. Quello che ci è richiesto adesso è una nuova era di responsabilità - un riconoscimento, da parte di ogni americano, che abbiamo doveri verso noi stessi, verso la nazione e il mondo, doveri che non accettiamo a malincuore ma piuttosto afferriamo con gioia, saldi nella nozione che non c’è nulla di più soddisfacente per lo spirito, di più caratteristico della nostra anima, che dare tutto a un compito difficile.
Questo è il prezzo e la promessa della cittadinanza.
Questa è la fonte della nostra fiducia: la nozione che Dio ci chiama a forgiarci un destino incerto. Questo il significato della nostra libertà e del nostro credo: il motivo per cui uomini e donne e bambine di ogni razza e ogni fede possono unirsi in celebrazione attraverso questo splendido viale, e per cui un uomo il cui padre sessant’anni fa avrebbe potuto non essere servito al ristorante oggi può starvi davanti a pronunciare un giuramento sacro.
E allora segnamo questo giorno col ricordo di chi siamo e quanta strada abbiamo fatto. Nell’anno della nascita dell’America, nel più freddo dei mesi, un drappello di patrioti si affollava vicino a fuochi morenti sulle rive di un fiume gelato. La capitale era abbandonata. Il nemico avanzava, la neve era macchiata di sangue. E nel momento in cui la nostra rivoluzione più era in dubbio, il padre della nostra nazione ordinò che queste parole fossero lette al popolo: “Che si dica al mondo futuro... Che nel profondo dell’inverno, quando nulla tranne la speranza e il coraggio potevano sopravvivere... Che la città e il paese, allarmati di fronte a un comune pericolo, vennero avanti a incontrarlo”.
America. Di fronte ai nostri comuni pericoli, in questo inverno delle nostre fatiche, ricordiamoci queste parole senza tempo. Con speranza e coraggio, affrontiamo una volta ancora le correnti gelide, e sopportiamo le tempeste che verranno. Che i figli dei nostri figli possano dire che quando fummo messi alla prova non ci tirammo indietro né inciampammo; e con gli occhi fissi sull’orizzonte e la grazia di Dio con noi, portammo avanti quel grande dono della libertà, e lo consegnammo intatto alle generazioni future.
Sono quarantaquattro gli americani che hanno giurato come presidenti. Le parole sono state pronunciate nel corso di maree montanti di prosperità e in acque tranquille di pace. Ancora, il giuramento è stato pronunciato sotto un cielo denso di nuvole e tempeste furiose. In questi momenti, l'America va avanti non semplicemente per il livello o per la visione di coloro che ricoprono l'alto ufficio, ma perché noi, il popolo, siamo rimasti fedeli agli ideali dei nostri antenati, e alla verità dei nostri documenti fondanti. Così è stato. Così deve essere con questa generazione di americani.
Che siamo nel mezzo della crisi ora è ben compreso. La nostra nazione è in guerra, contro una rete di vasta portata di violenza e odio. La nostra economia è duramente indebolita, in conseguenza dell'avidità e dell'irresponsabilità di alcuni, ma anche del nostro fallimento collettivo nel compiere scelte dure e preparare la nazione a una nuova era. Case sono andate perdute; posti di lavoro tagliati, attività chiuse. La nostra sanità è troppo costosa, le nostre scuole trascurano troppi; e ogni giorno aggiunge un'ulteriore prova del fatto che i modi in cui usiamo l'energia rafforzano i nostri avversari e minacciano il nostro pianeta.
Questi sono indicatori di crisi, soggetto di dati e di statistiche. Meno misurabile ma non meno profondo è l'inaridire della fiducia nella nostra terra: la fastidiosa paura che il declino dell'America sia inevitabile, e che la prossima generazione debba ridurre le proprie mire. Oggi vi dico che le sfide che affrontiamo sono reali. Sono serie e sono molte. Non saranno vinte facilmente o in un breve lasso di tempo. Ma sappi questo, America: saranno vinte. In questo giorno, ci riuniamo perché abbiamo scelto la speranza sulla paura, l'unità degli scopi sul conflitto e la discordia. In questo giorno, veniamo per proclamare la fine delle futili lagnanze e delle false promesse, delle recriminazioni e dei dogmi logori, che per troppo a lungo hanno strangolato la nostra politica.
Rimaniamo una nazione giovane, ma, nelle parole della Scrittura, il tempo è venuto di mettere da parte le cose infantili. Il tempo è venuto di riaffermare il nostro spirito durevole; di scegliere la nostra storia migliore; di riportare a nuovo quel prezioso regalo, quella nobile idea, passata di generazione in generazione: la promessa mandata del cielo che tutti sono uguali, tutti sono liberi, e tutti meritano una possibilità per conseguire pienamente la loro felicità.
Nel riaffermare la grandezza della nostra nazione, capiamo che la grandezza non va mai data per scontata. Bisogna guadagnarsela. Il nostro viaggio non è mai stato fatto di scorciatoie o di ribassi. Non è stato un sentiero per i deboli di cuore, per chi preferisce l’ozio al lavoro, o cerca solo i piaceri delle ricchezze e della celebrità. E’ stato invece il percorso di chi corre rischi, di chi agisce, di chi fabbrica: alcuni celebrato ma più spesso uomini e donne oscuri nelle loro fatiche, che ci hanno portato in cima a un percorso lungo e faticoso verso la prosperità e la libertà.
Per noi hanno messo in valigia le poche cose che possedevano e hanno traversato gli oceani alla ricerca di una nuova vita.
Per noi hanno faticato nelle fabbriche e hanno colonizzato il West; hanno tollerato il morso della frusta e arato il duroterreno.
Per noi hanno combattuto e sono morti in posti come Concord e Gettysburg, la Normandia e Khe Sahn.
Ancora e ancora questi uomini e queste donne hanno lottato e si sono sacrificati e hanno lavorato fino ad avere le mani in sangue, perché noi potessimo avere un futuro migliore. Vedevano l’America come più grande delle somme delle nostre ambizioni individuali, più grande di tutte le differenze di nascita o censo o partigianeria.
Questo è il viaggio che continuiamo oggi. Rimaniamo il paese più prosperoso e più potente della Terra. I nostri operai non sono meno produttivi di quando la crisi è cominciata. Le nostre menti non sono meno inventive, i nostri beni e servizi non meno necessari della settimana scorsa o del mese scorso o dell’anno scorso. Le nostre capacità rimangono intatte. Ma il nostro tempo di stare fermi, di proteggere interessi meschini e rimandare le decisioni sgradevoli, quel tempo di sicuro è passato. A partire da oggi, dobbiamo tirarci su, rimetterci in piedi e ricominciare il lavoro di rifare l’America.
Perché ovunque guardiamo, c’è lavoro da fare. Lo stato dell’economia richiede azioni coraggiose e rapide, e noi agiremo: non solo per creare nuovi lavori ma per gettare le fondamenta della crescita. Costruiremo le strade e i ponti, le reti elettriche, le linee digitali per nutrire il nostro commercio e legarci assieme. Ridaremo alla scienza il posto che le spetta di diritto e piegheremo le meraviglie della tecnologia per migliorare le cure sanitarie e abbassarne i costi. Metteremo le briglie al sole e ai venti e alla terra per rifornire le nostre vetture e alimentare le nostre fabbriche. E trasformeremo le nostre scuole e i college e le università per soddisfare le esigenze di una nuova era. Tutto questo possiamo farlo. E tutto questo faremo.
Ci sono alcuni che mettono in dubbio l’ampiezza delle nostre ambizioni, che suggeriscono che il nostro sistema non può tollerare troppi piani grandiosi. Hanno la memoria corta. Perché hanno dimenticato quanto questo paese ha già fatto: quanto uomini e donne libere possono ottenere quando l’immaginazione si unisce a uno scopo comune, la necessità al coraggio.
Quello che i cinici non riescono a capire è che il terreno si è mosso sotto i loro piedi, che i diverbi politici stantii che ci hanno consumato tanto a lungo non hanno più corso. La domanda che ci poniamo oggi non è se il nostro governo sia troppo grande o troppo piccolo, ma se funziona: se aiuta le famiglie a trovare lavori con stipendi decenti, cure che possono permettersi, unapensione dignitosa. Quando la risposta è sì, intendiamo andareavanti. Quando la risposta è no, i programmi saranno interrotti. E quelli di noi che gestiscono i dollari pubblici saranno chiamati a renderne conto: a spendere saggiamente, a riformare le cattive abitudini, e fare il loro lavoro alla luce del solo, perché solo allora potremo restaurare la fiducia vitale fra un popolo e il suo governo.
Né la domanda è se il mercato sia una forza per il bene o per il male. Il suo potere di generare ricchezza e aumentare la libertànon conosce paragoni, ma questa crisi ci ha ricordato che senza occhi vigili, il mercato può andare fuori controllo, e che unpaese non può prosperare a lungo se favorisce solo i ricchi. Il successo della nostra economia non dipende solo dalle dimensioni del nostro prodotto interno lordo, ma dall’ampiezza della nostra prosperità, dalla nostra capacità di ampliare le opportunità a ogni cuore volonteroso, non per beneficenza ma perché è la via più sicura verso il bene comune.
Per quel che riguarda la nostra difesa comune, respingiamo come falsa la scelta tra la nostra sicurezza e i nostri ideali. I Padri Fondatori, di fronte a pericoli che facciamo fatica a immaginare, prepararono un Carta che garantisse il rispetto della legge e i diritti dell’uomo, una Carta ampliata con il sangue versato da generazioni. Quegli ideali illuminano ancora il mondoe non vi rinunceremo in nome del bisogno. E a tutte le persone e i governi che oggi ci guardano, dalle capitali più grandi al piccolo villaggio in cui nacque mio padre, dico: sappiate che l’America è amica di ogni nazione e di ogni uomo, donna e bambino che cerca un futuro di pace e dignità, e che siamo pronti di nuovo a fare da guida.
Ricordate che le generazioni passate sconfissero il fascismo e il comunismo non solo con i carri armati e i missili, ma con alleanze solide e convinzioni tenaci. Capirono che la nostra forza da sola non basta a proteggerci, né ci dà il diritto di fare come ci pare. Al contrario, seppero che il potere cresce quando se ne fa un uso prudente; che la nostra sicurezza promana dal fatto che la nostra causa giusta, dalla forza del nostro esempio, dalle qualità dell’umiltà e della moderazione.
Noi siamo i custodi di questa eredità. Guidati ancora una volta da questi principi, possiamo affrontare quelle nuove minacce cherichiedono sforzi ancora maggiori - e ancora maggior cooperazione e comprensione fra le nazioni. Inizieremo a lasciare responsabilmente l’Iraq al suo popolo, e a forgiare una pace pagata a caro prezzo in Afghanistan. Insieme ai vecchi amici e agli ex nemici, lavoreremo senza sosta per diminuire la minaccia nucleare, e allontanare lo spettro di un pianeta surriscaldato. Non chiederemo scusa per la nostra maniera di vivere, né esiteremo a difenderla, e a coloro che cercano di ottenere i loro scopi attraverso il terrore e il massacro di persone innocenti, diciamo che il nostro spirito è più forte e non potrà essere spezzato. Non riuscirete a sopravviverci, e vi sconfiggeremo.
Perché sappiamo che il nostro multiforme retaggio è una forza, non una debolezza: siamo un Paese di cristiani, musulmani, ebrei e indù - e di non credenti; scolpiti da ogni lingua e cultura, provenienti da ogni angolo della terra. E dal momento che abbiamo provato l’amaro calice della guerra civile e della segregazione razziale, per emergerne più forti e più uniti, non possiamo che credere che odii di lunga data un giorno scompariranno; che i confini delle tribù un giorno si dissolveranno; che mentre il mondo si va facendo più piccolo, la nostra comune umanità dovrà venire alla luce; e che l’America dovrà svolgere un suo ruolo nell’accogliere una nuova era di pace.
Al mondo islamico diciamo di voler cercare una nuova via di progresso, basato sull’interesse comune e sul reciproco rispetto. A quei dirigenti nel mondo che cercano di seminare la discordia, o di scaricare sull’Occidente la colpa dei mali delle loro società, diciamo: sappiate che il vostro popolo vi giudicherà in base a ciò che siete in grado di costruire, non di distruggere. A coloro che si aggrappano al potere grazie alla corruzione, all’inganno, alla repressione del dissenso, diciamo: sappiate che siete dalla parte sbagliata della Storia; ma che siamo disposti a tendere la mano se sarete disposti a sciogliere il pugno.
Ai popoli dei Paesi poveri, diciamo di volerci impegnare insieme a voi per far rendere le vostre fattorie e far scorrere acque pulita; per nutrire i corpi e le menti affamate. E a quei Paesi che come noi hanno la fortuna di godere di una relativa abbondanza, diciamo che non possiamo più permetterci di essere indifferenti verso la sofferenza fuori dai nostri confini; né possiamo consumare le risorse del pianeta senza pensare alle conseguenze. Perché il mondo è cambiato, e noi dobbiamo cambiare insieme al mondo.
Volgendo lo sguardo alla strada che si snoda davanti a noi, ricordiamo con umile gratitudine quei coraggiosi americani che in questo stesso momento pattugliano deserti e montagne lontane. Oggi hanno qualcosa da dirci, così come il sussurro che ci arriva lungo gli anni dagli eroi caduti che riposano ad Arlington: rendiamo loro onore non solo perché sono custodi della nostra libertà, ma perché rappresentano lo spirito di servizio, la volontà di trovare un significato in qualcosa che li trascende. Eppure in questo momento - un momento che segnerà una generazione - è precisamente questo spirito che deve animarci tutti.
Perché, per quanto il governo debba e possa fare, in definitiva sono la fede e la determinazione del popolo americano su cui questo Paese si appoggia. E’ la bontà di chi accoglie uno straniero quando le dighe si spezzano, l’altruismo degli operai che preferiscono lavorare meno che vedere un amico perdere il lavoro, a guidarci nelle nostre ore più scure. E’ il coraggio del pompiere che affronta una scala piena di fumo, ma anche la prontezza di un genitore a curare un bambino, che in ultima analisi decidono il nostro destino.
Le nostre sfide possono essere nuove, gli strumenti con cui le affrontiamo possono essere nuovi, ma i valori da cui dipende il nostro successo - il lavoro duro e l’onestà, il coraggio e il fair play, la tolleranza e la curiosità, la lealtà e il patriottismo - queste cose sono antiche. Queste cose sono vere. Sono state la quieta forza del progresso in tutta la nostra storia. Quello che serve è un ritorno a queste verità. Quello che ci è richiesto adesso è una nuova era di responsabilità - un riconoscimento, da parte di ogni americano, che abbiamo doveri verso noi stessi, verso la nazione e il mondo, doveri che non accettiamo a malincuore ma piuttosto afferriamo con gioia, saldi nella nozione che non c’è nulla di più soddisfacente per lo spirito, di più caratteristico della nostra anima, che dare tutto a un compito difficile.
Questo è il prezzo e la promessa della cittadinanza.
Questa è la fonte della nostra fiducia: la nozione che Dio ci chiama a forgiarci un destino incerto. Questo il significato della nostra libertà e del nostro credo: il motivo per cui uomini e donne e bambine di ogni razza e ogni fede possono unirsi in celebrazione attraverso questo splendido viale, e per cui un uomo il cui padre sessant’anni fa avrebbe potuto non essere servito al ristorante oggi può starvi davanti a pronunciare un giuramento sacro.
E allora segnamo questo giorno col ricordo di chi siamo e quanta strada abbiamo fatto. Nell’anno della nascita dell’America, nel più freddo dei mesi, un drappello di patrioti si affollava vicino a fuochi morenti sulle rive di un fiume gelato. La capitale era abbandonata. Il nemico avanzava, la neve era macchiata di sangue. E nel momento in cui la nostra rivoluzione più era in dubbio, il padre della nostra nazione ordinò che queste parole fossero lette al popolo: “Che si dica al mondo futuro... Che nel profondo dell’inverno, quando nulla tranne la speranza e il coraggio potevano sopravvivere... Che la città e il paese, allarmati di fronte a un comune pericolo, vennero avanti a incontrarlo”.
America. Di fronte ai nostri comuni pericoli, in questo inverno delle nostre fatiche, ricordiamoci queste parole senza tempo. Con speranza e coraggio, affrontiamo una volta ancora le correnti gelide, e sopportiamo le tempeste che verranno. Che i figli dei nostri figli possano dire che quando fummo messi alla prova non ci tirammo indietro né inciampammo; e con gli occhi fissi sull’orizzonte e la grazia di Dio con noi, portammo avanti quel grande dono della libertà, e lo consegnammo intatto alle generazioni future.
martedì 20 gennaio 2009
Barack Obama discorso d'insediamento
Cari concittadini ... le sfide che dobbiamo affrontare sono molto e gravi ... ci riuniamo qui perchè abbiamo scelto la speranza e non la rassegnazione ... tutti siamo uguali e liberi e tutti dobbiamo avere una possibilità ... a partire da oggi dobbiamo metterci in moto per lavorare per rifare l'America ... i cinici non capiscono che il terreno gli è crollato sotto i piedi ... la discussione non è se il mercato e buono o cattivo, qui il mercato è uscito dal controllo ... noi cominceremo a lasciare l'Iraq ... noi sappiamo che la nostra eredità composita è una richezza ... ai dittatori sappiate che siete dalla parte sbagliata della storia ... al mondo mussulmano ... una mano tesa .. le sfide sono nuove, ma i valori sono vecchi ... un uomo meno di 60 anni non poteva essere servito in un locale e oggi può essere qui davanti a voi ... America dinnanzi ai nostri pericoli comuni davanti a questo inverno ... chiedo una nuova era di responsabilità ...
sabato 1 novembre 2008
Alleanza vincente
Negli Usa è rispuntato il Ku-Klux-Klan con gli stessi personaggi degli anni '70, un po' invecchiati, e lo stesso odio verso i neri, i diversi, gli ebrei, con la stessa voglia di supremazia bianca. Negli anni '60 gli ebrei furono alleati dei neri contro il Ku-Klux-Klan e per i diritti civili. Sfilarono insieme, e combatterono insieme. Poi, purtroppo, questa alleanza si ruppe. Ora, se Obama sarà eletto presidente, sarà con i voti dei neri e degli ebrei, di nuovo insieme. E questa anche non è cosa da poco.
Anna Foa, storica
Anna Foa, storica
lunedì 27 ottobre 2008
Nazisti in erba
Due skinheads volevano uccidere Obama
Complotto sventato da agenti federali
Lo rivela la Fox: bloccato dagli agenti federali un piano a sfondo razziale.
«Due neonazisti di 18 e 20 anni volevano sparargli o decapitarlo»
WASHINGTON - Un complotto per assassinare il candidato presidente degli Stati Uniti Barack Obama e uccidere (sparando o anche decapitandoli) afroamericani in Tennessee, messo a punto da due presunti neo-Nazisti «skinheads», è stato sventato da investigatori federali americani. Ne dà notizia il network televisivo FoxNews.
WASHINGTON - Un complotto per assassinare il candidato presidente degli Stati Uniti Barack Obama e uccidere (sparando o anche decapitandoli) afroamericani in Tennessee, messo a punto da due presunti neo-Nazisti «skinheads», è stato sventato da investigatori federali americani. Ne dà notizia il network televisivo FoxNews.
IL COMPLOTTO - Il piano dei neonazisti, secondo le informazioni diffuse da alcuni media americani, sarebbe stato scoperto in un'inchiesta in Tennessee e Arkansas della Atf, l'agenzia federale americana che si occupa di lotta a traffici di armi, esplosivo, alcol e tabacco, una divisione del dipartimento americano di Giustizia che ha il compito di prevenire reati federali commessi con armi da fuoco o esplosivi e combatte il contrabbando di alcol e tabacco. Nel mirino ci sarebbero stati studenti neri, ma il massacro doveva estendersi poi su scala nazionale e raggiungere, come obiettivo finale, il candidato dei democratici alla Casa Bianca.
GLI ARRESTATI - Si tratta di due ragazzi del Tennessee, Daniel Cowart di 20 anni e Paul Schlesselman di 18. Sono stati arrestati con l’accusa di possesso illegale di fucili a canne mozze. Ma in mente avevano un reato ben più grave: volevano uccidere il candidato alla Casa Bianca Barack Obama, sparandogli o decapitandolo nel corso di un comizio in una scuola nei pressi di Memphis. I due sospetti, entrambi skinhead e neonazisti, avrebbero aperto il fuoco anche contro gli studenti della scuola, frequentata soprattutto da ragazzi afroamericani.
IL PIANO - I due neonaziati, secondo documenti processuali, avrebbero voluto uccidere 102 afroamericani, in una riedizione del massacro di Columbine, ma questa volta con marcato sfondo razzista. I sospetti avrebbero voluto uccidere 88 afroamericani a colpi di arma da fuoco e decapitarne altri 14. I numeri 88 e 14 hanno una valenza simbolica per i fautori della supremazia della razza bianca. Gli agenti non hanno indicato in quale scuola superiore sarebbe dovuto avvenire il massacro, ma hanno indicato che l’obiettivo finale dei ragazzi sarebbe stato Obama.
PER PROCURATORE ACCUSE SERIE - Le accuse contro i due giovani arrestati con l'accusa di aver complottato per uccidere il candidato presidente Barack Obama «sono serie e saranno trattate come tali»: lo afferma il procuratore distrettuale del Tennessee occidentale Lawrence Laurenzi, in un comunicato con il quale le autorità americane hanno confermato le indiscrezioni dei media sugli arresti. I due arrestati, Daniel Cowart e Paul Schlesselman, secondo gli investigatori erano entrati in contatto tra loro via Internet attraverso una conoscenza comune e risultano avere «una forte convinzione riguardo alla filosofia del «Potere Bianco» e «Skinhead». La loro intenzione, secondo l'accusa, era di compiere una raffica di omicidi - dopo aver svaligiato un negozio d'armi - che doveva concludersi con l'uccisione di Obama, un gesto per cui «hanno dichiarato che erano pronti a morire».
sabato 11 ottobre 2008
Punti di vista
Raduno repubblicano a Bethlehem, Pennsylvania un ragazzo, con un’espressione difficilmente descrivibile, guarda la candidata alla vicepresidenza degli Stati Uniti Sarah Palin. Nella foto che ritrae la scena, opera di un fotografo dell’agenzia Reuters, si può notare un effetto di avvicinamento che lascia un punto interrogativo nella mente di chi osserva l’immagine. Dove sta guardando il ragazzo? Un click malizioso e irriverente oppure l’ennesimo attacco misogino e sessista da parte dei mezzi d’informazione come sostengono i fedelissimi della Palin. Ne nasce un polverone che ha come unico scopo far recuperare alla Palin un po’ di voti pescando nell’elettorato femminile.
Innumerevoli, come ovvio, le foto della governatrice dell’Alaska che si trovano sulla rete. Ho scelto di riprodurre quella che vedete in alto a destra. Altro punto di vista.
Nel frattempo un’inchiesta parlamentare dell’Alaska ha riconosciuto, la Palin, colpevole di abuso di potere per avere allontanato dal servizio un commissario per la sicurezza, reo di essersi rifiutato di licenziare un agente statale coinvolto in una causa di divorzio con la sorella della governatrice. Complimenti.
Innumerevoli, come ovvio, le foto della governatrice dell’Alaska che si trovano sulla rete. Ho scelto di riprodurre quella che vedete in alto a destra. Altro punto di vista.
Nel frattempo un’inchiesta parlamentare dell’Alaska ha riconosciuto, la Palin, colpevole di abuso di potere per avere allontanato dal servizio un commissario per la sicurezza, reo di essersi rifiutato di licenziare un agente statale coinvolto in una causa di divorzio con la sorella della governatrice. Complimenti.
venerdì 29 agosto 2008
La promessa americana
Quarantaquattro minuti, tanto è durato il discorso di accettazione della candidatura di Barack Obama alla convention di Denver.
Un discorso che voleva toccare il cuore dell’elettorato democratico e non solo, scandito da alcune parole chiave. Sogno, cambiamento, responsabilità, speranza.
Toni decisi per un discorso a tratti emozionante.
In breve e alla rinfusa.
Condanna della guerra in Iraq, annuncio della necessità del ritiro delle truppe americane, condanna della politica di Bush in Iraq e Afghanistan necessità della lotta al terrorismo, il tutto sintetizzabile in una frase: ” impegno per le minacce reali del futuro e non per quelle ideologiche del passato.”
Forte taglio delle tasse per il ceto medio.
In 10 anni eliminazione della dipendenza dal petrolio del Medio Oriente, investimenti per 50 milioni di dollari per le energie alternative con la creazione di 5 milioni nuovi posti di lavoro.
Istruzione per ogni bimbo americano senza discriminazioni, investire sugli insegnanti pagandoli meglio, migliori standard educativi.
Garantire l’assistenza sanitaria a chi non c’è l’ha e migliorare la qualità dell’assistenza per quanti né usufruiscono, basta con le speculazioni delle assicurazioni.
Timido accenno a una politica che non favorisca la lobby delle armi.
Lotta all’evasione fiscale, migliorare la burocrazia per rispondere alle esigenze del 21° secolo.
Nessuna discriminazione per gli omosessuali, nessuna posizione sul matrimonio omosessuale ma certezza dei diritti.
Forte critica al suo rivale per la Casa Bianca e agli otto anni di amministrazione Bush, forte richiamo alle icone democratiche del passato Roosevelt, Kennedy.
Sogno, speranza e responsabilità contrapposta alla politica della paura e dell’incapacità, sintetizzabile in una frase: ”se non c’è nulla per cui correre ci s’inventa qualcosa da cui scappare.”
Benedizione finale per tutti.
Da qui al 4 novembre sarà interessante seguire le mosse di un uomo che si ripromette di cambiare i destini degli americani e non solo.
“I have a dream”… ripartiamo da qui.
Un discorso che voleva toccare il cuore dell’elettorato democratico e non solo, scandito da alcune parole chiave. Sogno, cambiamento, responsabilità, speranza.
Toni decisi per un discorso a tratti emozionante.
In breve e alla rinfusa.
Condanna della guerra in Iraq, annuncio della necessità del ritiro delle truppe americane, condanna della politica di Bush in Iraq e Afghanistan necessità della lotta al terrorismo, il tutto sintetizzabile in una frase: ” impegno per le minacce reali del futuro e non per quelle ideologiche del passato.”
Forte taglio delle tasse per il ceto medio.
In 10 anni eliminazione della dipendenza dal petrolio del Medio Oriente, investimenti per 50 milioni di dollari per le energie alternative con la creazione di 5 milioni nuovi posti di lavoro.
Istruzione per ogni bimbo americano senza discriminazioni, investire sugli insegnanti pagandoli meglio, migliori standard educativi.
Garantire l’assistenza sanitaria a chi non c’è l’ha e migliorare la qualità dell’assistenza per quanti né usufruiscono, basta con le speculazioni delle assicurazioni.
Timido accenno a una politica che non favorisca la lobby delle armi.
Lotta all’evasione fiscale, migliorare la burocrazia per rispondere alle esigenze del 21° secolo.
Nessuna discriminazione per gli omosessuali, nessuna posizione sul matrimonio omosessuale ma certezza dei diritti.
Forte critica al suo rivale per la Casa Bianca e agli otto anni di amministrazione Bush, forte richiamo alle icone democratiche del passato Roosevelt, Kennedy.
Sogno, speranza e responsabilità contrapposta alla politica della paura e dell’incapacità, sintetizzabile in una frase: ”se non c’è nulla per cui correre ci s’inventa qualcosa da cui scappare.”
Benedizione finale per tutti.
Da qui al 4 novembre sarà interessante seguire le mosse di un uomo che si ripromette di cambiare i destini degli americani e non solo.
“I have a dream”… ripartiamo da qui.
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